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How Israelis View a Palestinian State


Article # : 16801 

Section : CURRENT ISSUES
Issue Date : 9 / 1989  1,127 Words
Author : Steve Rodan

       The various assumptions Israelis hold about the Arabs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as of the rest of the Middle East, directly influence their positions on the formula for Middle East peace. This is particularly true for the main question Israelis are asking themselves these days: Should they allow the establishment of a Palestinian state, specifically in the West Bank and Gaza Strip?
       
        Israeli polls show that a large majority--usually more than 80 percent--opposes a Palestinian state. Supporters of such a state, however, are generally regarded as influential in academic and media circles and thus carry much weight.
       
        Israeli policymakers and analysts focus on three questions when discussing the feasibility of a Palestinian state: (1) Will the Palestinian state be turned into an armed camp as prelude to a new Arab war against Israel? (2) Will the new Palestinian state be turned into a base for terror? and (3) Will the new Palestinian state prompt calls for secession by Israel's large Arab population?
       
        Israel's right-wing Likud answers yes to all three questions. Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, head of Likud, says his objection to talking to the Palestine Liberation Organization stems from his opposition to a Palestinian state. Shamir always refers to the proposed Palestinian state as "another Palestinian state," as Jordan was originally part of the British mandate of Palestine and its population is 60 percent Palestinian.
       
        Inherently Unstable
       
        The ruling Likud Party, which has the largest faction in the Knesset, Israel's parliament, sees the Palestinian state as inherently unstable. It believes Soviet-manufactured weapons will pour in from Lebanon, Syria, Libya, and Iraq as each of those countries seeks to establish influence in the new state.
       
        Moreover, each Israeli warning against such armaments will encourage the PLO's chairman--and probably the first president of the Palestinian state--Yasser Arafat, to appeal for troops to defend his country. In the Likud scenario, the combination of Arab troops in the new state and Israel's military vulnerability could spark a new war.
       
        Likud and political parties farther to the right--such as the National Religious Party, Tehiya, Tzomet, and Moledet--believe that a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip would quickly become a terrorist base against Israel. They compare the situation to that in Lebanon, a chaotic, impoverished area where young men are paid to fire rockets at Israel or infiltrate the Jewish state and carry out armed attacks.
       
        Palestinians will be driven to attack Israel for the same reason they do in Lebanon: The new Palestinian state will be poor with high unemployment, and terrorism will be seen as a quick way to make money. The new Palestinian state will be flooded by groups that view the fight against Israel as a continuing one until the Jewish state is eliminated.
       
        Yossie Ben-Aharon, Shamir's chief aide, points to the PLO demand that Palestinians be allowed to return to their homes inside what is now Israel. "Such a prospect would put an end to the
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