South Africa continues to be one of the most difficult policy problems facing the U.S. government and its people. The Reagan administration has reluctantly abandoned its policy of "constructive engagement" in the face of strong congressional pressure and a hardening of attitude by the South African government. Antiapartheid activists are calling for stronger U.S. economic sanctions as they evaluate the minimal impact of disinvestments by American companies. Presidential aspirants, and not just Democrat Jesse Jackson, are certain to make South Africa one of the major issues of 1988.
At this critical moment, when the actions of the United States can significantly affect the future of South Africa and indeed all of southern Africa, THE WORLD & I asked leading experts and scholars to suggest what can be done to help end apartheid and strengthen democracy in South Africa.
Robert I. Rotberg, academic vice president at Tufts University, is not optimistic about a peaceful solution in South Africa given the recent elections, which he says have placed "ruling whites on an unswerving collision course with the country's vast black majority." Rotberg argues that the Conservatives, as the official opposition in the white parliament, are certain to push the government "even farther to the right." He predicts that the African National Congress (ANC) will accelerate its tactics of sabotage and violence.
Furthermore, he asserts, disinvestment is not working; more than half of the departing American corporations have sold their assets to South African firms. He doubts the efficacy of a broader boycott, at least in the short run. South Africa's economic weak spot, Rotberg argues, is gold, which supplies 65 to 70 percent of its foreign exchange earnings. But even a run on gold, he cautions, may not work. He predicts that whites and blacks "will slug it out in South Africa for years, if not decades, to come."
Three policy alternatives are presently being considered in the nation's capital, according to Professor William H. Lewis of George Washington University: (a) "maximalist disengagement" - withdraw as a major player in the region; (b) "intervention" - adopt more punitive economic sanctions against South Africa or reduce Soviet influence in the region; and (c) "damage limitation" - work toward a regional solution through the United Nations and the frontline states. Lewis believes that the United States should adopt a multilateral approach involving close coordination with its Western allies. Elements of this policy would include termination of armed conflict between the MPLA and UNITA in Angola, and cessation of cross-border attacks by South African security forces.
Max Singer of the Potomac Organization believes that how the ANC is handled is the key to peace and democratization in South Africa. And the key to the ANC is the role and influence of the communists within the organization. "The choice," he argues, "is not between working with the ANC and not fighting apartheid. The choice is between working with the ANC and working with people who care about South African blacks" and want to fight apartheid effectively. He lists several noncommunist organizations that are resisting apartheid, including Inkatha (Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's political organization), and the Pan African Congress. He recommends the formation of a united noncommunist democratic organization that would include people from all parties, all
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