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Introduction: China's 'New Democracy': Rise and Fall?
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11756 |
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CURRENT ISSUES
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4 / 1987 |
812 Words |
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In the wake of the swift repression of the student demonstrations in China, some analysts are proclaiming that the reform movement is dead. But the situation is much too complicated for so extreme a judgement to be accepted.
There never was any real prospect that the Communist Party would surrender power in the foreseeable future. However, a number of interesting trends had been occurring. The liberal economic reforms, even though they affect less than 20 percent of the economy, are well known. The reestablishment of individual initiative in agriculture had already produced massive increases in production, although without individual ownership of land. Deng Xiaoping had even argued for the emergence of rich farmers whose success would move the general population to wealth.
Industrial zones had been established in which foreign capital could operate. Small-scale Chinese enterprise was permitted. And plans had been advanced for a Chinese stock market in which shares could be bought and sold. But this movement toward free enterprise also had produced corruption.
Even more important were political reforms. Steps were underway to sharply distinguish between state and party, and many lawyers were being trained in an effort to establish the rule of law. But there was not as yet any real thought of a genuine multiparty system.
Intellectual life in the universities was much freer, and independence in the arts was being encouraged after the demise of the spiritual pollution campaign. Newspapers were reporting the truth. There were even attacks on Marxism and suggestions of the advantages of a multiparty system.
Late in 1985, Fang Lizhi, vice president of the University of Science and Technology in Hufei, had delivered a popular address to students in which he advised them to seek truth. Fang raised serious doubts about the validity of Marxism -doubts that in fact are shared by some leaders of the party -and encouraged an eventual turn to political democracy. Fang was very close to Hu Yaobang, general secretary of the party.
Although the inception of the demonstrations and the demands of the students were complex, the slogans they shouted reflected Fang's speech. The demonstrations were immediately attacked by party conservatives. When they became widespread, Deng joined the chorus, shifted the attack from students to intellectuals, and initiated measures leading to, among other moves, the firing of Hu as general secretary and the removal of Fang as well as the writer Wang Ruowang and other intellectuals from the party. Deng strongly defended Marxism and the supremacy of the party, including a statement read to Western reporters saying the adoption of Western democracy "will mean chaos."
It is important to note that Hu, although losing his key post, remains on the five-member standing committee of the Politburo, the highest party organ. His acting successor is Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang, a kindred spirit. In some ways this move strengthens the hands of the reformers, for the army would never have accepted Hu as chairman of the Military Commission - a position of enormous power - despite his presence on the Long March, because of his lack of military experience. If Zhao becomes general secretary he likely will be acceptable to the
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